1.

The reasoning behind the “literature” (line 9), as that reasoning is presented in the passage, is most analogous to the reasoning behind which one of the following situations?

The Taft-Hartley Act, passed by the United
States Congress in 1947, gave states the power to
enact “right-to-work” legislation that prohibits
union shop agreements. According to such an
(5) agreement, a labor union negotiates wages and
working conditions for all workers in a business,
and all workers are required to belong to the union.
Since 1947, 20 states have adopted right-to-work
laws. Much of the literature concerning
(10) right-to-work laws implies that such legislation has
not actually had a significant impact. This point of
view, however, has not gone uncriticized. Thomas
M. Carroll has proposed that the conclusions
drawn by previous researchers are attributable to
(15) their myopic focus on the premise that, unless
right-to-work laws significantly reduce union
membership within a state, they have no effect.
Carroll argues that the right-to-work laws “do
matter” in that such laws generate differences in
(20) real wages across states. Specifically, Carroll
indicates that while right-to-work laws may not
“destroy” unions by reducing the absolute number
of unionized workers, they do impede the spread
of unions and thereby reduce wages within
(25) right-to-work states. Because the countervailing
power of unions is weakened in right-to-work
states, manufacturers and their suppliers can act
collusively in competitive labor markets, thus
lowering wages in the affected industries.

(30) Such a finding has important implications
regarding the demographics of employment and
wages in right-to-work states. Specifically, if
right-to-work laws lower wages by weakening
union power, minority workers can be expected to
(35) suffer a relatively greater economic disadvantage in
right-to-work states than in union shop states. This
is so because, contrary to what was once thought,
unions tend to have a significant positive impact
on the economic position of minority workers,
(40) especially Black workers, relative to White workers.
Most studies concerned with the impact of unionism
on the Black worker’s economic position relative to
the White worker’s have concentrated on the changes
in Black wages due to union membership. That is,
(45) they have concentrated on union versus nonunion
wage differentials within certain occupational
groups. In a pioneering study, however, Ashenfelter
finds that these studies overlook an important
fact: although craft unionism increases the
(50) differential between the wages of White workers
and Black workers due to the traditional exclusion
of minority workers from unions in the craft sectors
of the labor market, strong positive wage gains are
made by Black workers within industrial unions.
(55) In fact, Ashenfelter estimates that industrial
unionism decreases the differential between the
wages of Black workers and White workers by
about 3 percent. If state right-to-work laws weaken
the economic power of unions to raise wages, Black
(60) workers will experience a disproportionate decline
in their relative wage positions. Black workers in
right-to-work states would therefore experience a
decline in their relative economic positions unless
there is strong economic growth in right-to-work
(65) states, creating labor shortages and thereby driving
up wages.

2.

According to the passage, which one of the following is true of Carroll’s study?

The Taft-Hartley Act, passed by the United
States Congress in 1947, gave states the power to
enact “right-to-work” legislation that prohibits
union shop agreements. According to such an
(5) agreement, a labor union negotiates wages and
working conditions for all workers in a business,
and all workers are required to belong to the union.
Since 1947, 20 states have adopted right-to-work
laws. Much of the literature concerning
(10) right-to-work laws implies that such legislation has
not actually had a significant impact. This point of
view, however, has not gone uncriticized. Thomas
M. Carroll has proposed that the conclusions
drawn by previous researchers are attributable to
(15) their myopic focus on the premise that, unless
right-to-work laws significantly reduce union
membership within a state, they have no effect.
Carroll argues that the right-to-work laws “do
matter” in that such laws generate differences in
(20) real wages across states. Specifically, Carroll
indicates that while right-to-work laws may not
“destroy” unions by reducing the absolute number
of unionized workers, they do impede the spread
of unions and thereby reduce wages within
(25) right-to-work states. Because the countervailing
power of unions is weakened in right-to-work
states, manufacturers and their suppliers can act
collusively in competitive labor markets, thus
lowering wages in the affected industries.

(30) Such a finding has important implications
regarding the demographics of employment and
wages in right-to-work states. Specifically, if
right-to-work laws lower wages by weakening
union power, minority workers can be expected to
(35) suffer a relatively greater economic disadvantage in
right-to-work states than in union shop states. This
is so because, contrary to what was once thought,
unions tend to have a significant positive impact
on the economic position of minority workers,
(40) especially Black workers, relative to White workers.
Most studies concerned with the impact of unionism
on the Black worker’s economic position relative to
the White worker’s have concentrated on the changes
in Black wages due to union membership. That is,
(45) they have concentrated on union versus nonunion
wage differentials within certain occupational
groups. In a pioneering study, however, Ashenfelter
finds that these studies overlook an important
fact: although craft unionism increases the
(50) differential between the wages of White workers
and Black workers due to the traditional exclusion
of minority workers from unions in the craft sectors
of the labor market, strong positive wage gains are
made by Black workers within industrial unions.
(55) In fact, Ashenfelter estimates that industrial
unionism decreases the differential between the
wages of Black workers and White workers by
about 3 percent. If state right-to-work laws weaken
the economic power of unions to raise wages, Black
(60) workers will experience a disproportionate decline
in their relative wage positions. Black workers in
right-to-work states would therefore experience a
decline in their relative economic positions unless
there is strong economic growth in right-to-work
(65) states, creating labor shortages and thereby driving
up wages.

3.

It can be inferred from the passage that the author believes which one of the following about craft unions?

The Taft-Hartley Act, passed by the United
States Congress in 1947, gave states the power to
enact “right-to-work” legislation that prohibits
union shop agreements. According to such an
(5) agreement, a labor union negotiates wages and
working conditions for all workers in a business,
and all workers are required to belong to the union.
Since 1947, 20 states have adopted right-to-work
laws. Much of the literature concerning
(10) right-to-work laws implies that such legislation has
not actually had a significant impact. This point of
view, however, has not gone uncriticized. Thomas
M. Carroll has proposed that the conclusions
drawn by previous researchers are attributable to
(15) their myopic focus on the premise that, unless
right-to-work laws significantly reduce union
membership within a state, they have no effect.
Carroll argues that the right-to-work laws “do
matter” in that such laws generate differences in
(20) real wages across states. Specifically, Carroll
indicates that while right-to-work laws may not
“destroy” unions by reducing the absolute number
of unionized workers, they do impede the spread
of unions and thereby reduce wages within
(25) right-to-work states. Because the countervailing
power of unions is weakened in right-to-work
states, manufacturers and their suppliers can act
collusively in competitive labor markets, thus
lowering wages in the affected industries.

(30) Such a finding has important implications
regarding the demographics of employment and
wages in right-to-work states. Specifically, if
right-to-work laws lower wages by weakening
union power, minority workers can be expected to
(35) suffer a relatively greater economic disadvantage in
right-to-work states than in union shop states. This
is so because, contrary to what was once thought,
unions tend to have a significant positive impact
on the economic position of minority workers,
(40) especially Black workers, relative to White workers.
Most studies concerned with the impact of unionism
on the Black worker’s economic position relative to
the White worker’s have concentrated on the changes
in Black wages due to union membership. That is,
(45) they have concentrated on union versus nonunion
wage differentials within certain occupational
groups. In a pioneering study, however, Ashenfelter
finds that these studies overlook an important
fact: although craft unionism increases the
(50) differential between the wages of White workers
and Black workers due to the traditional exclusion
of minority workers from unions in the craft sectors
of the labor market, strong positive wage gains are
made by Black workers within industrial unions.
(55) In fact, Ashenfelter estimates that industrial
unionism decreases the differential between the
wages of Black workers and White workers by
about 3 percent. If state right-to-work laws weaken
the economic power of unions to raise wages, Black
(60) workers will experience a disproportionate decline
in their relative wage positions. Black workers in
right-to-work states would therefore experience a
decline in their relative economic positions unless
there is strong economic growth in right-to-work
(65) states, creating labor shortages and thereby driving
up wages.

4.

Which one of the following best describes the effect industrial unionism has had on the wages of Black workers relative to those of White workers, as that effect is presented in the passage?

The Taft-Hartley Act, passed by the United
States Congress in 1947, gave states the power to
enact “right-to-work” legislation that prohibits
union shop agreements. According to such an
(5) agreement, a labor union negotiates wages and
working conditions for all workers in a business,
and all workers are required to belong to the union.
Since 1947, 20 states have adopted right-to-work
laws. Much of the literature concerning
(10) right-to-work laws implies that such legislation has
not actually had a significant impact. This point of
view, however, has not gone uncriticized. Thomas
M. Carroll has proposed that the conclusions
drawn by previous researchers are attributable to
(15) their myopic focus on the premise that, unless
right-to-work laws significantly reduce union
membership within a state, they have no effect.
Carroll argues that the right-to-work laws “do
matter” in that such laws generate differences in
(20) real wages across states. Specifically, Carroll
indicates that while right-to-work laws may not
“destroy” unions by reducing the absolute number
of unionized workers, they do impede the spread
of unions and thereby reduce wages within
(25) right-to-work states. Because the countervailing
power of unions is weakened in right-to-work
states, manufacturers and their suppliers can act
collusively in competitive labor markets, thus
lowering wages in the affected industries.

(30) Such a finding has important implications
regarding the demographics of employment and
wages in right-to-work states. Specifically, if
right-to-work laws lower wages by weakening
union power, minority workers can be expected to
(35) suffer a relatively greater economic disadvantage in
right-to-work states than in union shop states. This
is so because, contrary to what was once thought,
unions tend to have a significant positive impact
on the economic position of minority workers,
(40) especially Black workers, relative to White workers.
Most studies concerned with the impact of unionism
on the Black worker’s economic position relative to
the White worker’s have concentrated on the changes
in Black wages due to union membership. That is,
(45) they have concentrated on union versus nonunion
wage differentials within certain occupational
groups. In a pioneering study, however, Ashenfelter
finds that these studies overlook an important
fact: although craft unionism increases the
(50) differential between the wages of White workers
and Black workers due to the traditional exclusion
of minority workers from unions in the craft sectors
of the labor market, strong positive wage gains are
made by Black workers within industrial unions.
(55) In fact, Ashenfelter estimates that industrial
unionism decreases the differential between the
wages of Black workers and White workers by
about 3 percent. If state right-to-work laws weaken
the economic power of unions to raise wages, Black
(60) workers will experience a disproportionate decline
in their relative wage positions. Black workers in
right-to-work states would therefore experience a
decline in their relative economic positions unless
there is strong economic growth in right-to-work
(65) states, creating labor shortages and thereby driving
up wages.

5.

According to the passage, which one of the following could counteract the effects of a decrease in unions’ economic power to raise wages in right-to-work states?

The Taft-Hartley Act, passed by the United
States Congress in 1947, gave states the power to
enact “right-to-work” legislation that prohibits
union shop agreements. According to such an
(5) agreement, a labor union negotiates wages and
working conditions for all workers in a business,
and all workers are required to belong to the union.
Since 1947, 20 states have adopted right-to-work
laws. Much of the literature concerning
(10) right-to-work laws implies that such legislation has
not actually had a significant impact. This point of
view, however, has not gone uncriticized. Thomas
M. Carroll has proposed that the conclusions
drawn by previous researchers are attributable to
(15) their myopic focus on the premise that, unless
right-to-work laws significantly reduce union
membership within a state, they have no effect.
Carroll argues that the right-to-work laws “do
matter” in that such laws generate differences in
(20) real wages across states. Specifically, Carroll
indicates that while right-to-work laws may not
“destroy” unions by reducing the absolute number
of unionized workers, they do impede the spread
of unions and thereby reduce wages within
(25) right-to-work states. Because the countervailing
power of unions is weakened in right-to-work
states, manufacturers and their suppliers can act
collusively in competitive labor markets, thus
lowering wages in the affected industries.

(30) Such a finding has important implications
regarding the demographics of employment and
wages in right-to-work states. Specifically, if
right-to-work laws lower wages by weakening
union power, minority workers can be expected to
(35) suffer a relatively greater economic disadvantage in
right-to-work states than in union shop states. This
is so because, contrary to what was once thought,
unions tend to have a significant positive impact
on the economic position of minority workers,
(40) especially Black workers, relative to White workers.
Most studies concerned with the impact of unionism
on the Black worker’s economic position relative to
the White worker’s have concentrated on the changes
in Black wages due to union membership. That is,
(45) they have concentrated on union versus nonunion
wage differentials within certain occupational
groups. In a pioneering study, however, Ashenfelter
finds that these studies overlook an important
fact: although craft unionism increases the
(50) differential between the wages of White workers
and Black workers due to the traditional exclusion
of minority workers from unions in the craft sectors
of the labor market, strong positive wage gains are
made by Black workers within industrial unions.
(55) In fact, Ashenfelter estimates that industrial
unionism decreases the differential between the
wages of Black workers and White workers by
about 3 percent. If state right-to-work laws weaken
the economic power of unions to raise wages, Black
(60) workers will experience a disproportionate decline
in their relative wage positions. Black workers in
right-to-work states would therefore experience a
decline in their relative economic positions unless
there is strong economic growth in right-to-work
(65) states, creating labor shortages and thereby driving
up wages.

6.

Which one of the following best describes the passage as a whole?

The Taft-Hartley Act, passed by the United
States Congress in 1947, gave states the power to
enact “right-to-work” legislation that prohibits
union shop agreements. According to such an
(5) agreement, a labor union negotiates wages and
working conditions for all workers in a business,
and all workers are required to belong to the union.
Since 1947, 20 states have adopted right-to-work
laws. Much of the literature concerning
(10) right-to-work laws implies that such legislation has
not actually had a significant impact. This point of
view, however, has not gone uncriticized. Thomas
M. Carroll has proposed that the conclusions
drawn by previous researchers are attributable to
(15) their myopic focus on the premise that, unless
right-to-work laws significantly reduce union
membership within a state, they have no effect.
Carroll argues that the right-to-work laws “do
matter” in that such laws generate differences in
(20) real wages across states. Specifically, Carroll
indicates that while right-to-work laws may not
“destroy” unions by reducing the absolute number
of unionized workers, they do impede the spread
of unions and thereby reduce wages within
(25) right-to-work states. Because the countervailing
power of unions is weakened in right-to-work
states, manufacturers and their suppliers can act
collusively in competitive labor markets, thus
lowering wages in the affected industries.

(30) Such a finding has important implications
regarding the demographics of employment and
wages in right-to-work states. Specifically, if
right-to-work laws lower wages by weakening
union power, minority workers can be expected to
(35) suffer a relatively greater economic disadvantage in
right-to-work states than in union shop states. This
is so because, contrary to what was once thought,
unions tend to have a significant positive impact
on the economic position of minority workers,
(40) especially Black workers, relative to White workers.
Most studies concerned with the impact of unionism
on the Black worker’s economic position relative to
the White worker’s have concentrated on the changes
in Black wages due to union membership. That is,
(45) they have concentrated on union versus nonunion
wage differentials within certain occupational
groups. In a pioneering study, however, Ashenfelter
finds that these studies overlook an important
fact: although craft unionism increases the
(50) differential between the wages of White workers
and Black workers due to the traditional exclusion
of minority workers from unions in the craft sectors
of the labor market, strong positive wage gains are
made by Black workers within industrial unions.
(55) In fact, Ashenfelter estimates that industrial
unionism decreases the differential between the
wages of Black workers and White workers by
about 3 percent. If state right-to-work laws weaken
the economic power of unions to raise wages, Black
(60) workers will experience a disproportionate decline
in their relative wage positions. Black workers in
right-to-work states would therefore experience a
decline in their relative economic positions unless
there is strong economic growth in right-to-work
(65) states, creating labor shortages and thereby driving
up wages.

7.

Which one of the following statements about Western women missionaries working abroad can be inferred from the passage?

In the late nineteenth century, the need for
women physicians in missionary hospitals in
Canton, China, led to expanded opportunities for
both Western and Chinese women. The presence of
(5) Western women as medical missionaries in China
was made possible by certain changes within the
Western missionary movement. Beginning in the
1870s, increasingly large numbers of women were
forming women’s foreign mission societies
(10) dedicated to the support of women’s foreign
mission work. Beyond giving the women who
organized the societies a formal activity outside
their home circles, these organizations enabled an
increasing number of single women missionaries
(15) (as opposed to women who were part of the more
typical husband-wife missionary teams) to work
abroad. Before the formation of these women’s
organizations, mission funds had been collected by
ministers and other church leaders, most of whom
(20) emphasized local parish work. What money was
spent on foreign missions was under the control
of exclusively male foreign mission boards whose
members were uniformly uneasy about the new idea
of sending single women out into the mission field.
(25) But as women’s groups began raising impressive
amounts of money donated specifically in support
of single women missionaries, the home churches
bowed both to women’s changing roles at home
and to increasing numbers of single professional
(30) missionary women abroad.

Although the idea of employing a woman
physician was a daring one for most Western
missionaries in China, the advantages of a
well-trained Western woman physician could not be
(35) ignored by Canton mission hospital administrators.
A womanphysician could attend women patients
without offending any of the accepted conventions
of female modesty. Eventually, some of these
women were able to found and head separate
(40) women’s medical institutions, thereby gaining
access to professional responsibilities far beyond
those available to them at home.

These developments also led to the attainment
of valuable training and status by a significant
(45) number of Chinese women. The presence of women
physicians in Canton mission hospitals led many
Chinese women to avail themselves of Western
medicine who might otherwise have failed to do
so because of their culture’s emphasis on physical
(50) modesty. In order to provide enough women
physicians for these patients, growing numbers
of young Chinese women were given instruction
in medicine. This enabled them to earn an
independent income, something that was then
(55) largely unavailable to women within traditional
Chinese society. Many women graduates were
eventually able to go out on their own into private
practice, freeing themselves of dependence upon the
mission community.

(60) The most important result of these opportunities
was the establishment of clear evidence of women’s
abilities and strengths, clear reasons for affording
womenexpanded opportunities, and clear role
models for how these abilities and responsibilities
(65) might be exercised.

8.

The author mentions that most foreign mission boards were exclusively male most probably in order to

In the late nineteenth century, the need for
women physicians in missionary hospitals in
Canton, China, led to expanded opportunities for
both Western and Chinese women. The presence of
(5) Western women as medical missionaries in China
was made possible by certain changes within the
Western missionary movement. Beginning in the
1870s, increasingly large numbers of women were
forming women’s foreign mission societies
(10) dedicated to the support of women’s foreign
mission work. Beyond giving the women who
organized the societies a formal activity outside
their home circles, these organizations enabled an
increasing number of single women missionaries
(15) (as opposed to women who were part of the more
typical husband-wife missionary teams) to work
abroad. Before the formation of these women’s
organizations, mission funds had been collected by
ministers and other church leaders, most of whom
(20) emphasized local parish work. What money was
spent on foreign missions was under the control
of exclusively male foreign mission boards whose
members were uniformly uneasy about the new idea
of sending single women out into the mission field.
(25) But as women’s groups began raising impressive
amounts of money donated specifically in support
of single women missionaries, the home churches
bowed both to women’s changing roles at home
and to increasing numbers of single professional
(30) missionary women abroad.

Although the idea of employing a woman
physician was a daring one for most Western
missionaries in China, the advantages of a
well-trained Western woman physician could not be
(35) ignored by Canton mission hospital administrators.
A womanphysician could attend women patients
without offending any of the accepted conventions
of female modesty. Eventually, some of these
women were able to found and head separate
(40) women’s medical institutions, thereby gaining
access to professional responsibilities far beyond
those available to them at home.

These developments also led to the attainment
of valuable training and status by a significant
(45) number of Chinese women. The presence of women
physicians in Canton mission hospitals led many
Chinese women to avail themselves of Western
medicine who might otherwise have failed to do
so because of their culture’s emphasis on physical
(50) modesty. In order to provide enough women
physicians for these patients, growing numbers
of young Chinese women were given instruction
in medicine. This enabled them to earn an
independent income, something that was then
(55) largely unavailable to women within traditional
Chinese society. Many women graduates were
eventually able to go out on their own into private
practice, freeing themselves of dependence upon the
mission community.

(60) The most important result of these opportunities
was the establishment of clear evidence of women’s
abilities and strengths, clear reasons for affording
womenexpanded opportunities, and clear role
models for how these abilities and responsibilities
(65) might be exercised.

9.

Which one of the following best describes the organization of the passage?

In the late nineteenth century, the need for
women physicians in missionary hospitals in
Canton, China, led to expanded opportunities for
both Western and Chinese women. The presence of
(5) Western women as medical missionaries in China
was made possible by certain changes within the
Western missionary movement. Beginning in the
1870s, increasingly large numbers of women were
forming women’s foreign mission societies
(10) dedicated to the support of women’s foreign
mission work. Beyond giving the women who
organized the societies a formal activity outside
their home circles, these organizations enabled an
increasing number of single women missionaries
(15) (as opposed to women who were part of the more
typical husband-wife missionary teams) to work
abroad. Before the formation of these women’s
organizations, mission funds had been collected by
ministers and other church leaders, most of whom
(20) emphasized local parish work. What money was
spent on foreign missions was under the control
of exclusively male foreign mission boards whose
members were uniformly uneasy about the new idea
of sending single women out into the mission field.
(25) But as women’s groups began raising impressive
amounts of money donated specifically in support
of single women missionaries, the home churches
bowed both to women’s changing roles at home
and to increasing numbers of single professional
(30) missionary women abroad.

Although the idea of employing a woman
physician was a daring one for most Western
missionaries in China, the advantages of a
well-trained Western woman physician could not be
(35) ignored by Canton mission hospital administrators.
A womanphysician could attend women patients
without offending any of the accepted conventions
of female modesty. Eventually, some of these
women were able to found and head separate
(40) women’s medical institutions, thereby gaining
access to professional responsibilities far beyond
those available to them at home.

These developments also led to the attainment
of valuable training and status by a significant
(45) number of Chinese women. The presence of women
physicians in Canton mission hospitals led many
Chinese women to avail themselves of Western
medicine who might otherwise have failed to do
so because of their culture’s emphasis on physical
(50) modesty. In order to provide enough women
physicians for these patients, growing numbers
of young Chinese women were given instruction
in medicine. This enabled them to earn an
independent income, something that was then
(55) largely unavailable to women within traditional
Chinese society. Many women graduates were
eventually able to go out on their own into private
practice, freeing themselves of dependence upon the
mission community.

(60) The most important result of these opportunities
was the establishment of clear evidence of women’s
abilities and strengths, clear reasons for affording
womenexpanded opportunities, and clear role
models for how these abilities and responsibilities
(65) might be exercised.

10.

Which one of the following, if true, would most undermine the author’s analysis of the reason for the increasing number of single women missionaries sent abroad beginning in the 1870s?

In the late nineteenth century, the need for
women physicians in missionary hospitals in
Canton, China, led to expanded opportunities for
both Western and Chinese women. The presence of
(5) Western women as medical missionaries in China
was made possible by certain changes within the
Western missionary movement. Beginning in the
1870s, increasingly large numbers of women were
forming women’s foreign mission societies
(10) dedicated to the support of women’s foreign
mission work. Beyond giving the women who
organized the societies a formal activity outside
their home circles, these organizations enabled an
increasing number of single women missionaries
(15) (as opposed to women who were part of the more
typical husband-wife missionary teams) to work
abroad. Before the formation of these women’s
organizations, mission funds had been collected by
ministers and other church leaders, most of whom
(20) emphasized local parish work. What money was
spent on foreign missions was under the control
of exclusively male foreign mission boards whose
members were uniformly uneasy about the new idea
of sending single women out into the mission field.
(25) But as women’s groups began raising impressive
amounts of money donated specifically in support
of single women missionaries, the home churches
bowed both to women’s changing roles at home
and to increasing numbers of single professional
(30) missionary women abroad.

Although the idea of employing a woman
physician was a daring one for most Western
missionaries in China, the advantages of a
well-trained Western woman physician could not be
(35) ignored by Canton mission hospital administrators.
A womanphysician could attend women patients
without offending any of the accepted conventions
of female modesty. Eventually, some of these
women were able to found and head separate
(40) women’s medical institutions, thereby gaining
access to professional responsibilities far beyond
those available to them at home.

These developments also led to the attainment
of valuable training and status by a significant
(45) number of Chinese women. The presence of women
physicians in Canton mission hospitals led many
Chinese women to avail themselves of Western
medicine who might otherwise have failed to do
so because of their culture’s emphasis on physical
(50) modesty. In order to provide enough women
physicians for these patients, growing numbers
of young Chinese women were given instruction
in medicine. This enabled them to earn an
independent income, something that was then
(55) largely unavailable to women within traditional
Chinese society. Many women graduates were
eventually able to go out on their own into private
practice, freeing themselves of dependence upon the
mission community.

(60) The most important result of these opportunities
was the establishment of clear evidence of women’s
abilities and strengths, clear reasons for affording
womenexpanded opportunities, and clear role
models for how these abilities and responsibilities
(65) might be exercised.

11.

According to the passage, which one of the following was a factor in the acceptance of Western women as physicians in mission hospitals in Canton, China?

In the late nineteenth century, the need for
women physicians in missionary hospitals in
Canton, China, led to expanded opportunities for
both Western and Chinese women. The presence of
(5) Western women as medical missionaries in China
was made possible by certain changes within the
Western missionary movement. Beginning in the
1870s, increasingly large numbers of women were
forming women’s foreign mission societies
(10) dedicated to the support of women’s foreign
mission work. Beyond giving the women who
organized the societies a formal activity outside
their home circles, these organizations enabled an
increasing number of single women missionaries
(15) (as opposed to women who were part of the more
typical husband-wife missionary teams) to work
abroad. Before the formation of these women’s
organizations, mission funds had been collected by
ministers and other church leaders, most of whom
(20) emphasized local parish work. What money was
spent on foreign missions was under the control
of exclusively male foreign mission boards whose
members were uniformly uneasy about the new idea
of sending single women out into the mission field.
(25) But as women’s groups began raising impressive
amounts of money donated specifically in support
of single women missionaries, the home churches
bowed both to women’s changing roles at home
and to increasing numbers of single professional
(30) missionary women abroad.

Although the idea of employing a woman
physician was a daring one for most Western
missionaries in China, the advantages of a
well-trained Western woman physician could not be
(35) ignored by Canton mission hospital administrators.
A womanphysician could attend women patients
without offending any of the accepted conventions
of female modesty. Eventually, some of these
women were able to found and head separate
(40) women’s medical institutions, thereby gaining
access to professional responsibilities far beyond
those available to them at home.

These developments also led to the attainment
of valuable training and status by a significant
(45) number of Chinese women. The presence of women
physicians in Canton mission hospitals led many
Chinese women to avail themselves of Western
medicine who might otherwise have failed to do
so because of their culture’s emphasis on physical
(50) modesty. In order to provide enough women
physicians for these patients, growing numbers
of young Chinese women were given instruction
in medicine. This enabled them to earn an
independent income, something that was then
(55) largely unavailable to women within traditional
Chinese society. Many women graduates were
eventually able to go out on their own into private
practice, freeing themselves of dependence upon the
mission community.

(60) The most important result of these opportunities
was the establishment of clear evidence of women’s
abilities and strengths, clear reasons for affording
womenexpanded opportunities, and clear role
models for how these abilities and responsibilities
(65) might be exercised.

12.

The passage suggests which one of the following about medical practices in late-nineteenth-century Canton, China?

In the late nineteenth century, the need for
women physicians in missionary hospitals in
Canton, China, led to expanded opportunities for
both Western and Chinese women. The presence of
(5) Western women as medical missionaries in China
was made possible by certain changes within the
Western missionary movement. Beginning in the
1870s, increasingly large numbers of women were
forming women’s foreign mission societies
(10) dedicated to the support of women’s foreign
mission work. Beyond giving the women who
organized the societies a formal activity outside
their home circles, these organizations enabled an
increasing number of single women missionaries
(15) (as opposed to women who were part of the more
typical husband-wife missionary teams) to work
abroad. Before the formation of these women’s
organizations, mission funds had been collected by
ministers and other church leaders, most of whom
(20) emphasized local parish work. What money was
spent on foreign missions was under the control
of exclusively male foreign mission boards whose
members were uniformly uneasy about the new idea
of sending single women out into the mission field.
(25) But as women’s groups began raising impressive
amounts of money donated specifically in support
of single women missionaries, the home churches
bowed both to women’s changing roles at home
and to increasing numbers of single professional
(30) missionary women abroad.

Although the idea of employing a woman
physician was a daring one for most Western
missionaries in China, the advantages of a
well-trained Western woman physician could not be
(35) ignored by Canton mission hospital administrators.
A womanphysician could attend women patients
without offending any of the accepted conventions
of female modesty. Eventually, some of these
women were able to found and head separate
(40) women’s medical institutions, thereby gaining
access to professional responsibilities far beyond
those available to them at home.

These developments also led to the attainment
of valuable training and status by a significant
(45) number of Chinese women. The presence of women
physicians in Canton mission hospitals led many
Chinese women to avail themselves of Western
medicine who might otherwise have failed to do
so because of their culture’s emphasis on physical
(50) modesty. In order to provide enough women
physicians for these patients, growing numbers
of young Chinese women were given instruction
in medicine. This enabled them to earn an
independent income, something that was then
(55) largely unavailable to women within traditional
Chinese society. Many women graduates were
eventually able to go out on their own into private
practice, freeing themselves of dependence upon the
mission community.

(60) The most important result of these opportunities
was the establishment of clear evidence of women’s
abilities and strengths, clear reasons for affording
womenexpanded opportunities, and clear role
models for how these abilities and responsibilities
(65) might be exercised.

13.

It can be inferred from the passage that by “a piano exactly contemporary” (line 30) with the composition of Beethoven’s first piano concerto, the author means the kind of piano that was

In recent years the early music movement, which
advocates performing a work as it was performed
at the time of its composition, has taken on the
character of a crusade, particularly as it has moved
(5) beyond the sphere of medieval and baroque music
and into music from the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries by composers such as Mozart
and Beethoven. Granted, knowledge about the
experience of playing old music on now-obsolete
(10) instruments has been of inestimable value to
scholars. Nevertheless, the early music approach
to performance raises profound and troubling
questions.

Early music advocates assume that composers
(15) write only for the instruments available to them,
but evidence suggests that composers of Beethoven’s
stature imagined extraordinarily high and low notes
as part of their compositions, even when they
recognized that such notes could not be played on
(20) instruments available at the time. In the score of
Beethoven’s first piano concerto, there is a “wrong”
note, a high F-natural where the melody obviously
calls for a high F-sharp, but pianos did not have
this high an F-sharp when Beethoven composed
(25) the concerto. Because Beethoven once expressed
a desire to revise his early works to exploit the
extended range of pianos that became available to
him some years later, it seems likely that he would
have played the F-sharp if given the opportunity.
(30) To use a piano exactly contemporary with the
work’s composition would require playing a note
that was probably frustrating for Beethoven himself
to have had to play.

In addition, early music advocates often
(35) inadvertently divorce music and its performance
from the life of which they were, and are, a part.
The discovery that Haydn’s and Mozart’s
symphonies were conducted during their lifetimes
by a pianist who played the chords to keep the
(40) orchestra together has given rise to early music
recordings in which a piano can be heard
obtrusively in the foreground, despite evidence
indicating that the orchestral piano was virtually
inaudible to audiences at eighteenth-century
(45) concerts and was dropped as musically unnecessary
when a better way to beat time was found.And
although in the early nineteenth century the first
three movements (sections) of Mozart’s and
Beethoven’s symphonies were often played faster,
(50) and the last movement slower, than today, this
difference can readily be explained by the fact that
at that time audiences applauded at the end of each
movement, rather than withholding applause until
the end of the entire work. As a result, musicians
(55) were not forced into extra brilliance in the finale in
order to generate applause, as they are now. To
restore the original tempo of these symphonies
represents an irrational denial of the fact that our
concepts of musical intensity and excitement have,
(60) quite simply, changed.

14.

Which one of the following best expresses the main idea of the passage?

In recent years the early music movement, which
advocates performing a work as it was performed
at the time of its composition, has taken on the
character of a crusade, particularly as it has moved
(5) beyond the sphere of medieval and baroque music
and into music from the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries by composers such as Mozart
and Beethoven. Granted, knowledge about the
experience of playing old music on now-obsolete
(10) instruments has been of inestimable value to
scholars. Nevertheless, the early music approach
to performance raises profound and troubling
questions.

Early music advocates assume that composers
(15) write only for the instruments available to them,
but evidence suggests that composers of Beethoven’s
stature imagined extraordinarily high and low notes
as part of their compositions, even when they
recognized that such notes could not be played on
(20) instruments available at the time. In the score of
Beethoven’s first piano concerto, there is a “wrong”
note, a high F-natural where the melody obviously
calls for a high F-sharp, but pianos did not have
this high an F-sharp when Beethoven composed
(25) the concerto. Because Beethoven once expressed
a desire to revise his early works to exploit the
extended range of pianos that became available to
him some years later, it seems likely that he would
have played the F-sharp if given the opportunity.
(30) To use a piano exactly contemporary with the
work’s composition would require playing a note
that was probably frustrating for Beethoven himself
to have had to play.

In addition, early music advocates often
(35) inadvertently divorce music and its performance
from the life of which they were, and are, a part.
The discovery that Haydn’s and Mozart’s
symphonies were conducted during their lifetimes
by a pianist who played the chords to keep the
(40) orchestra together has given rise to early music
recordings in which a piano can be heard
obtrusively in the foreground, despite evidence
indicating that the orchestral piano was virtually
inaudible to audiences at eighteenth-century
(45) concerts and was dropped as musically unnecessary
when a better way to beat time was found.And
although in the early nineteenth century the first
three movements (sections) of Mozart’s and
Beethoven’s symphonies were often played faster,
(50) and the last movement slower, than today, this
difference can readily be explained by the fact that
at that time audiences applauded at the end of each
movement, rather than withholding applause until
the end of the entire work. As a result, musicians
(55) were not forced into extra brilliance in the finale in
order to generate applause, as they are now. To
restore the original tempo of these symphonies
represents an irrational denial of the fact that our
concepts of musical intensity and excitement have,
(60) quite simply, changed.

15.

In the second paragraph, the author discusses Beethoven’s first piano concerto primarily in order to

In recent years the early music movement, which
advocates performing a work as it was performed
at the time of its composition, has taken on the
character of a crusade, particularly as it has moved
(5) beyond the sphere of medieval and baroque music
and into music from the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries by composers such as Mozart
and Beethoven. Granted, knowledge about the
experience of playing old music on now-obsolete
(10) instruments has been of inestimable value to
scholars. Nevertheless, the early music approach
to performance raises profound and troubling
questions.

Early music advocates assume that composers
(15) write only for the instruments available to them,
but evidence suggests that composers of Beethoven’s
stature imagined extraordinarily high and low notes
as part of their compositions, even when they
recognized that such notes could not be played on
(20) instruments available at the time. In the score of
Beethoven’s first piano concerto, there is a “wrong”
note, a high F-natural where the melody obviously
calls for a high F-sharp, but pianos did not have
this high an F-sharp when Beethoven composed
(25) the concerto. Because Beethoven once expressed
a desire to revise his early works to exploit the
extended range of pianos that became available to
him some years later, it seems likely that he would
have played the F-sharp if given the opportunity.
(30) To use a piano exactly contemporary with the
work’s composition would require playing a note
that was probably frustrating for Beethoven himself
to have had to play.

In addition, early music advocates often
(35) inadvertently divorce music and its performance
from the life of which they were, and are, a part.
The discovery that Haydn’s and Mozart’s
symphonies were conducted during their lifetimes
by a pianist who played the chords to keep the
(40) orchestra together has given rise to early music
recordings in which a piano can be heard
obtrusively in the foreground, despite evidence
indicating that the orchestral piano was virtually
inaudible to audiences at eighteenth-century
(45) concerts and was dropped as musically unnecessary
when a better way to beat time was found.And
although in the early nineteenth century the first
three movements (sections) of Mozart’s and
Beethoven’s symphonies were often played faster,
(50) and the last movement slower, than today, this
difference can readily be explained by the fact that
at that time audiences applauded at the end of each
movement, rather than withholding applause until
the end of the entire work. As a result, musicians
(55) were not forced into extra brilliance in the finale in
order to generate applause, as they are now. To
restore the original tempo of these symphonies
represents an irrational denial of the fact that our
concepts of musical intensity and excitement have,
(60) quite simply, changed.

16.

The author suggests that the final movements of symphonies by Mozart and Beethoven might be played more slowly by today’s orchestras if which one of the following were to occur?

In recent years the early music movement, which
advocates performing a work as it was performed
at the time of its composition, has taken on the
character of a crusade, particularly as it has moved
(5) beyond the sphere of medieval and baroque music
and into music from the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries by composers such as Mozart
and Beethoven. Granted, knowledge about the
experience of playing old music on now-obsolete
(10) instruments has been of inestimable value to
scholars. Nevertheless, the early music approach
to performance raises profound and troubling
questions.

Early music advocates assume that composers
(15) write only for the instruments available to them,
but evidence suggests that composers of Beethoven’s
stature imagined extraordinarily high and low notes
as part of their compositions, even when they
recognized that such notes could not be played on
(20) instruments available at the time. In the score of
Beethoven’s first piano concerto, there is a “wrong”
note, a high F-natural where the melody obviously
calls for a high F-sharp, but pianos did not have
this high an F-sharp when Beethoven composed
(25) the concerto. Because Beethoven once expressed
a desire to revise his early works to exploit the
extended range of pianos that became available to
him some years later, it seems likely that he would
have played the F-sharp if given the opportunity.
(30) To use a piano exactly contemporary with the
work’s composition would require playing a note
that was probably frustrating for Beethoven himself
to have had to play.

In addition, early music advocates often
(35) inadvertently divorce music and its performance
from the life of which they were, and are, a part.
The discovery that Haydn’s and Mozart’s
symphonies were conducted during their lifetimes
by a pianist who played the chords to keep the
(40) orchestra together has given rise to early music
recordings in which a piano can be heard
obtrusively in the foreground, despite evidence
indicating that the orchestral piano was virtually
inaudible to audiences at eighteenth-century
(45) concerts and was dropped as musically unnecessary
when a better way to beat time was found.And
although in the early nineteenth century the first
three movements (sections) of Mozart’s and
Beethoven’s symphonies were often played faster,
(50) and the last movement slower, than today, this
difference can readily be explained by the fact that
at that time audiences applauded at the end of each
movement, rather than withholding applause until
the end of the entire work. As a result, musicians
(55) were not forced into extra brilliance in the finale in
order to generate applause, as they are now. To
restore the original tempo of these symphonies
represents an irrational denial of the fact that our
concepts of musical intensity and excitement have,
(60) quite simply, changed.

17.

Which one of the following best describes the organization of the last paragraph?

In recent years the early music movement, which
advocates performing a work as it was performed
at the time of its composition, has taken on the
character of a crusade, particularly as it has moved
(5) beyond the sphere of medieval and baroque music
and into music from the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries by composers such as Mozart
and Beethoven. Granted, knowledge about the
experience of playing old music on now-obsolete
(10) instruments has been of inestimable value to
scholars. Nevertheless, the early music approach
to performance raises profound and troubling
questions.

Early music advocates assume that composers
(15) write only for the instruments available to them,
but evidence suggests that composers of Beethoven’s
stature imagined extraordinarily high and low notes
as part of their compositions, even when they
recognized that such notes could not be played on
(20) instruments available at the time. In the score of
Beethoven’s first piano concerto, there is a “wrong”
note, a high F-natural where the melody obviously
calls for a high F-sharp, but pianos did not have
this high an F-sharp when Beethoven composed
(25) the concerto. Because Beethoven once expressed
a desire to revise his early works to exploit the
extended range of pianos that became available to
him some years later, it seems likely that he would
have played the F-sharp if given the opportunity.
(30) To use a piano exactly contemporary with the
work’s composition would require playing a note
that was probably frustrating for Beethoven himself
to have had to play.

In addition, early music advocates often
(35) inadvertently divorce music and its performance
from the life of which they were, and are, a part.
The discovery that Haydn’s and Mozart’s
symphonies were conducted during their lifetimes
by a pianist who played the chords to keep the
(40) orchestra together has given rise to early music
recordings in which a piano can be heard
obtrusively in the foreground, despite evidence
indicating that the orchestral piano was virtually
inaudible to audiences at eighteenth-century
(45) concerts and was dropped as musically unnecessary
when a better way to beat time was found.And
although in the early nineteenth century the first
three movements (sections) of Mozart’s and
Beethoven’s symphonies were often played faster,
(50) and the last movement slower, than today, this
difference can readily be explained by the fact that
at that time audiences applauded at the end of each
movement, rather than withholding applause until
the end of the entire work. As a result, musicians
(55) were not forced into extra brilliance in the finale in
order to generate applause, as they are now. To
restore the original tempo of these symphonies
represents an irrational denial of the fact that our
concepts of musical intensity and excitement have,
(60) quite simply, changed.

18.

It can be inferred from the passage that the author’s explanation in lines 50-54 would be most weakened if which one of the following were true?

In recent years the early music movement, which
advocates performing a work as it was performed
at the time of its composition, has taken on the
character of a crusade, particularly as it has moved
(5) beyond the sphere of medieval and baroque music
and into music from the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries by composers such as Mozart
and Beethoven. Granted, knowledge about the
experience of playing old music on now-obsolete
(10) instruments has been of inestimable value to
scholars. Nevertheless, the early music approach
to performance raises profound and troubling
questions.

Early music advocates assume that composers
(15) write only for the instruments available to them,
but evidence suggests that composers of Beethoven’s
stature imagined extraordinarily high and low notes
as part of their compositions, even when they
recognized that such notes could not be played on
(20) instruments available at the time. In the score of
Beethoven’s first piano concerto, there is a “wrong”
note, a high F-natural where the melody obviously
calls for a high F-sharp, but pianos did not have
this high an F-sharp when Beethoven composed
(25) the concerto. Because Beethoven once expressed
a desire to revise his early works to exploit the
extended range of pianos that became available to
him some years later, it seems likely that he would
have played the F-sharp if given the opportunity.
(30) To use a piano exactly contemporary with the
work’s composition would require playing a note
that was probably frustrating for Beethoven himself
to have had to play.

In addition, early music advocates often
(35) inadvertently divorce music and its performance
from the life of which they were, and are, a part.
The discovery that Haydn’s and Mozart’s
symphonies were conducted during their lifetimes
by a pianist who played the chords to keep the
(40) orchestra together has given rise to early music
recordings in which a piano can be heard
obtrusively in the foreground, despite evidence
indicating that the orchestral piano was virtually
inaudible to audiences at eighteenth-century
(45) concerts and was dropped as musically unnecessary
when a better way to beat time was found.And
although in the early nineteenth century the first
three movements (sections) of Mozart’s and
Beethoven’s symphonies were often played faster,
(50) and the last movement slower, than today, this
difference can readily be explained by the fact that
at that time audiences applauded at the end of each
movement, rather than withholding applause until
the end of the entire work. As a result, musicians
(55) were not forced into extra brilliance in the finale in
order to generate applause, as they are now. To
restore the original tempo of these symphonies
represents an irrational denial of the fact that our
concepts of musical intensity and excitement have,
(60) quite simply, changed.

19.

It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following assertions regarding the early music recordings mentioned in the third paragraph?

In recent years the early music movement, which
advocates performing a work as it was performed
at the time of its composition, has taken on the
character of a crusade, particularly as it has moved
(5) beyond the sphere of medieval and baroque music
and into music from the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries by composers such as Mozart
and Beethoven. Granted, knowledge about the
experience of playing old music on now-obsolete
(10) instruments has been of inestimable value to
scholars. Nevertheless, the early music approach
to performance raises profound and troubling
questions.

Early music advocates assume that composers
(15) write only for the instruments available to them,
but evidence suggests that composers of Beethoven’s
stature imagined extraordinarily high and low notes
as part of their compositions, even when they
recognized that such notes could not be played on
(20) instruments available at the time. In the score of
Beethoven’s first piano concerto, there is a “wrong”
note, a high F-natural where the melody obviously
calls for a high F-sharp, but pianos did not have
this high an F-sharp when Beethoven composed
(25) the concerto. Because Beethoven once expressed
a desire to revise his early works to exploit the
extended range of pianos that became available to
him some years later, it seems likely that he would
have played the F-sharp if given the opportunity.
(30) To use a piano exactly contemporary with the
work’s composition would require playing a note
that was probably frustrating for Beethoven himself
to have had to play.

In addition, early music advocates often
(35) inadvertently divorce music and its performance
from the life of which they were, and are, a part.
The discovery that Haydn’s and Mozart’s
symphonies were conducted during their lifetimes
by a pianist who played the chords to keep the
(40) orchestra together has given rise to early music
recordings in which a piano can be heard
obtrusively in the foreground, despite evidence
indicating that the orchestral piano was virtually
inaudible to audiences at eighteenth-century
(45) concerts and was dropped as musically unnecessary
when a better way to beat time was found.And
although in the early nineteenth century the first
three movements (sections) of Mozart’s and
Beethoven’s symphonies were often played faster,
(50) and the last movement slower, than today, this
difference can readily be explained by the fact that
at that time audiences applauded at the end of each
movement, rather than withholding applause until
the end of the entire work. As a result, musicians
(55) were not forced into extra brilliance in the finale in
order to generate applause, as they are now. To
restore the original tempo of these symphonies
represents an irrational denial of the fact that our
concepts of musical intensity and excitement have,
(60) quite simply, changed.

20.

The author suggests that the modern audience’s tendency to withhold applause until the end of a symphony’s performance is primarily related to which one of the following?

In recent years the early music movement, which
advocates performing a work as it was performed
at the time of its composition, has taken on the
character of a crusade, particularly as it has moved
(5) beyond the sphere of medieval and baroque music
and into music from the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries by composers such as Mozart
and Beethoven. Granted, knowledge about the
experience of playing old music on now-obsolete
(10) instruments has been of inestimable value to
scholars. Nevertheless, the early music approach
to performance raises profound and troubling
questions.

Early music advocates assume that composers
(15) write only for the instruments available to them,
but evidence suggests that composers of Beethoven’s
stature imagined extraordinarily high and low notes
as part of their compositions, even when they
recognized that such notes could not be played on
(20) instruments available at the time. In the score of
Beethoven’s first piano concerto, there is a “wrong”
note, a high F-natural where the melody obviously
calls for a high F-sharp, but pianos did not have
this high an F-sharp when Beethoven composed
(25) the concerto. Because Beethoven once expressed
a desire to revise his early works to exploit the
extended range of pianos that became available to
him some years later, it seems likely that he would
have played the F-sharp if given the opportunity.
(30) To use a piano exactly contemporary with the
work’s composition would require playing a note
that was probably frustrating for Beethoven himself
to have had to play.

In addition, early music advocates often
(35) inadvertently divorce music and its performance
from the life of which they were, and are, a part.
The discovery that Haydn’s and Mozart’s
symphonies were conducted during their lifetimes
by a pianist who played the chords to keep the
(40) orchestra together has given rise to early music
recordings in which a piano can be heard
obtrusively in the foreground, despite evidence
indicating that the orchestral piano was virtually
inaudible to audiences at eighteenth-century
(45) concerts and was dropped as musically unnecessary
when a better way to beat time was found.And
although in the early nineteenth century the first
three movements (sections) of Mozart’s and
Beethoven’s symphonies were often played faster,
(50) and the last movement slower, than today, this
difference can readily be explained by the fact that
at that time audiences applauded at the end of each
movement, rather than withholding applause until
the end of the entire work. As a result, musicians
(55) were not forced into extra brilliance in the finale in
order to generate applause, as they are now. To
restore the original tempo of these symphonies
represents an irrational denial of the fact that our
concepts of musical intensity and excitement have,
(60) quite simply, changed.

21.

Which one of the following best expresses the main idea of the passage?

Although the United States steel industry faces
widely publicized economic problems that have
eroded its steel production capacity, not all branches
of the industry have been equally affected. The steel
(5) industry is not monolithic: it includes integrated
producers, minimills, and specialty-steel mills. The
integrated producers start with iron ore and coal
and produce a wide assortment of shaped steels.
The minimills reprocess scrap steel into a limited
(10) range of low-quality products, such as reinforcing
rods for concrete. The specialty-steel mills are
similar to minimills in that they tend to be smaller
than the integrated producers and are based on
scrap, but they manufacture much more expensive
(15) products than minimills do and commonly have an
active in-house research-and-development effort.

Both minimills and specialty-steel mills have
succeeded in avoiding the worst of the economic
difficulties that are afflicting integrated steel
(20) producers, and some of the mills are quite
profitable. Both take advantage of new technology
for refining and casting steel, such as continuous
casting, as soon as it becomes available. The
minimills concentrate on producing a narrow range
(25) of products for sale in their immediate geographic
area, whereas specialty-steel mills preserve
flexibility in their operations in order to fulfill a
customer’s particular specifications.

Among the factors that constrain the
(30) competitiveness of integrated producers are
excessive labor, energy, and capital costs, as well as
manufacturing inflexibility. Their equipment is old
and less automated, and does not incorporate many
of the latest refinements in steelmaking technology.
(35) (For example, only about half of the United States
integrated producers have continuous casters,
which combine pouring and rolling into one
operation and thus save the cost of separate rolling
equipment.) One might conclude that the older,
(40) labor-intensive machinery still operating in United
States integrated plants is at fault for the poor
performance of the United States industry, but this
cannot explain why Japanese integrated producers,
who produce a higher-quality product using less
(45) energy and labor, are also experiencing economic
trouble. The fact is that the common technological
denominator of integrated producers is an inherently
inefficient process that is still rooted in the
nineteenth century.

(50) Integrated producers have been unable to
compete successfully with minimills because the
minimills, like specialty-steel mills, have dispensed
almost entirely with the archaic energy- and
capital-intensive front end of integrated steelmaking:
(55) the iron-smelting process, including the mining and
preparation of the raw materials and the
blast-furnace operation. In addition, minimills have
found a profitable way to market steel products:
as indicated above, they sell their finished products
(60) locally, thereby reducing transportation costs, and
concentrate on a limited range of shapes and sizes
within a narrow group of products that can be
manufactured economically. For these reasons,
minimills have been able to avoid the economic
(65) decline affecting integrated steel producers.

22.

The author mentions all of the following as features of minimills EXCEPT

Although the United States steel industry faces
widely publicized economic problems that have
eroded its steel production capacity, not all branches
of the industry have been equally affected. The steel
(5) industry is not monolithic: it includes integrated
producers, minimills, and specialty-steel mills. The
integrated producers start with iron ore and coal
and produce a wide assortment of shaped steels.
The minimills reprocess scrap steel into a limited
(10) range of low-quality products, such as reinforcing
rods for concrete. The specialty-steel mills are
similar to minimills in that they tend to be smaller
than the integrated producers and are based on
scrap, but they manufacture much more expensive
(15) products than minimills do and commonly have an
active in-house research-and-development effort.

Both minimills and specialty-steel mills have
succeeded in avoiding the worst of the economic
difficulties that are afflicting integrated steel
(20) producers, and some of the mills are quite
profitable. Both take advantage of new technology
for refining and casting steel, such as continuous
casting, as soon as it becomes available. The
minimills concentrate on producing a narrow range
(25) of products for sale in their immediate geographic
area, whereas specialty-steel mills preserve
flexibility in their operations in order to fulfill a
customer’s particular specifications.

Among the factors that constrain the
(30) competitiveness of integrated producers are
excessive labor, energy, and capital costs, as well as
manufacturing inflexibility. Their equipment is old
and less automated, and does not incorporate many
of the latest refinements in steelmaking technology.
(35) (For example, only about half of the United States
integrated producers have continuous casters,
which combine pouring and rolling into one
operation and thus save the cost of separate rolling
equipment.) One might conclude that the older,
(40) labor-intensive machinery still operating in United
States integrated plants is at fault for the poor
performance of the United States industry, but this
cannot explain why Japanese integrated producers,
who produce a higher-quality product using less
(45) energy and labor, are also experiencing economic
trouble. The fact is that the common technological
denominator of integrated producers is an inherently
inefficient process that is still rooted in the
nineteenth century.

(50) Integrated producers have been unable to
compete successfully with minimills because the
minimills, like specialty-steel mills, have dispensed
almost entirely with the archaic energy- and
capital-intensive front end of integrated steelmaking:
(55) the iron-smelting process, including the mining and
preparation of the raw materials and the
blast-furnace operation. In addition, minimills have
found a profitable way to market steel products:
as indicated above, they sell their finished products
(60) locally, thereby reducing transportation costs, and
concentrate on a limited range of shapes and sizes
within a narrow group of products that can be
manufactured economically. For these reasons,
minimills have been able to avoid the economic
(65) decline affecting integrated steel producers.

23.

The author of the passage refers to “Japanese integrated producers” (line 43) primarily in order to support the view that

Although the United States steel industry faces
widely publicized economic problems that have
eroded its steel production capacity, not all branches
of the industry have been equally affected. The steel
(5) industry is not monolithic: it includes integrated
producers, minimills, and specialty-steel mills. The
integrated producers start with iron ore and coal
and produce a wide assortment of shaped steels.
The minimills reprocess scrap steel into a limited
(10) range of low-quality products, such as reinforcing
rods for concrete. The specialty-steel mills are
similar to minimills in that they tend to be smaller
than the integrated producers and are based on
scrap, but they manufacture much more expensive
(15) products than minimills do and commonly have an
active in-house research-and-development effort.

Both minimills and specialty-steel mills have
succeeded in avoiding the worst of the economic
difficulties that are afflicting integrated steel
(20) producers, and some of the mills are quite
profitable. Both take advantage of new technology
for refining and casting steel, such as continuous
casting, as soon as it becomes available. The
minimills concentrate on producing a narrow range
(25) of products for sale in their immediate geographic
area, whereas specialty-steel mills preserve
flexibility in their operations in order to fulfill a
customer’s particular specifications.

Among the factors that constrain the
(30) competitiveness of integrated producers are
excessive labor, energy, and capital costs, as well as
manufacturing inflexibility. Their equipment is old
and less automated, and does not incorporate many
of the latest refinements in steelmaking technology.
(35) (For example, only about half of the United States
integrated producers have continuous casters,
which combine pouring and rolling into one
operation and thus save the cost of separate rolling
equipment.) One might conclude that the older,
(40) labor-intensive machinery still operating in United
States integrated plants is at fault for the poor
performance of the United States industry, but this
cannot explain why Japanese integrated producers,
who produce a higher-quality product using less
(45) energy and labor, are also experiencing economic
trouble. The fact is that the common technological
denominator of integrated producers is an inherently
inefficient process that is still rooted in the
nineteenth century.

(50) Integrated producers have been unable to
compete successfully with minimills because the
minimills, like specialty-steel mills, have dispensed
almost entirely with the archaic energy- and
capital-intensive front end of integrated steelmaking:
(55) the iron-smelting process, including the mining and
preparation of the raw materials and the
blast-furnace operation. In addition, minimills have
found a profitable way to market steel products:
as indicated above, they sell their finished products
(60) locally, thereby reducing transportation costs, and
concentrate on a limited range of shapes and sizes
within a narrow group of products that can be
manufactured economically. For these reasons,
minimills have been able to avoid the economic
(65) decline affecting integrated steel producers.

24.

Which one of the following best describes the organization of the third paragraph?

Although the United States steel industry faces
widely publicized economic problems that have
eroded its steel production capacity, not all branches
of the industry have been equally affected. The steel
(5) industry is not monolithic: it includes integrated
producers, minimills, and specialty-steel mills. The
integrated producers start with iron ore and coal
and produce a wide assortment of shaped steels.
The minimills reprocess scrap steel into a limited
(10) range of low-quality products, such as reinforcing
rods for concrete. The specialty-steel mills are
similar to minimills in that they tend to be smaller
than the integrated producers and are based on
scrap, but they manufacture much more expensive
(15) products than minimills do and commonly have an
active in-house research-and-development effort.

Both minimills and specialty-steel mills have
succeeded in avoiding the worst of the economic
difficulties that are afflicting integrated steel
(20) producers, and some of the mills are quite
profitable. Both take advantage of new technology
for refining and casting steel, such as continuous
casting, as soon as it becomes available. The
minimills concentrate on producing a narrow range
(25) of products for sale in their immediate geographic
area, whereas specialty-steel mills preserve
flexibility in their operations in order to fulfill a
customer’s particular specifications.

Among the factors that constrain the
(30) competitiveness of integrated producers are
excessive labor, energy, and capital costs, as well as
manufacturing inflexibility. Their equipment is old
and less automated, and does not incorporate many
of the latest refinements in steelmaking technology.
(35) (For example, only about half of the United States
integrated producers have continuous casters,
which combine pouring and rolling into one
operation and thus save the cost of separate rolling
equipment.) One might conclude that the older,
(40) labor-intensive machinery still operating in United
States integrated plants is at fault for the poor
performance of the United States industry, but this
cannot explain why Japanese integrated producers,
who produce a higher-quality product using less
(45) energy and labor, are also experiencing economic
trouble. The fact is that the common technological
denominator of integrated producers is an inherently
inefficient process that is still rooted in the
nineteenth century.

(50) Integrated producers have been unable to
compete successfully with minimills because the
minimills, like specialty-steel mills, have dispensed
almost entirely with the archaic energy- and
capital-intensive front end of integrated steelmaking:
(55) the iron-smelting process, including the mining and
preparation of the raw materials and the
blast-furnace operation. In addition, minimills have
found a profitable way to market steel products:
as indicated above, they sell their finished products
(60) locally, thereby reducing transportation costs, and
concentrate on a limited range of shapes and sizes
within a narrow group of products that can be
manufactured economically. For these reasons,
minimills have been able to avoid the economic
(65) decline affecting integrated steel producers.

25.

It can be inferred from the passage that United States specialty-steel mills generally differ from integrated steel producers in that the specialty-steel mills

Although the United States steel industry faces
widely publicized economic problems that have
eroded its steel production capacity, not all branches
of the industry have been equally affected. The steel
(5) industry is not monolithic: it includes integrated
producers, minimills, and specialty-steel mills. The
integrated producers start with iron ore and coal
and produce a wide assortment of shaped steels.
The minimills reprocess scrap steel into a limited
(10) range of low-quality products, such as reinforcing
rods for concrete. The specialty-steel mills are
similar to minimills in that they tend to be smaller
than the integrated producers and are based on
scrap, but they manufacture much more expensive
(15) products than minimills do and commonly have an
active in-house research-and-development effort.

Both minimills and specialty-steel mills have
succeeded in avoiding the worst of the economic
difficulties that are afflicting integrated steel
(20) producers, and some of the mills are quite
profitable. Both take advantage of new technology
for refining and casting steel, such as continuous
casting, as soon as it becomes available. The
minimills concentrate on producing a narrow range
(25) of products for sale in their immediate geographic
area, whereas specialty-steel mills preserve
flexibility in their operations in order to fulfill a
customer’s particular specifications.

Among the factors that constrain the
(30) competitiveness of integrated producers are
excessive labor, energy, and capital costs, as well as
manufacturing inflexibility. Their equipment is old
and less automated, and does not incorporate many
of the latest refinements in steelmaking technology.
(35) (For example, only about half of the United States
integrated producers have continuous casters,
which combine pouring and rolling into one
operation and thus save the cost of separate rolling
equipment.) One might conclude that the older,
(40) labor-intensive machinery still operating in United
States integrated plants is at fault for the poor
performance of the United States industry, but this
cannot explain why Japanese integrated producers,
who produce a higher-quality product using less
(45) energy and labor, are also experiencing economic
trouble. The fact is that the common technological
denominator of integrated producers is an inherently
inefficient process that is still rooted in the
nineteenth century.

(50) Integrated producers have been unable to
compete successfully with minimills because the
minimills, like specialty-steel mills, have dispensed
almost entirely with the archaic energy- and
capital-intensive front end of integrated steelmaking:
(55) the iron-smelting process, including the mining and
preparation of the raw materials and the
blast-furnace operation. In addition, minimills have
found a profitable way to market steel products:
as indicated above, they sell their finished products
(60) locally, thereby reducing transportation costs, and
concentrate on a limited range of shapes and sizes
within a narrow group of products that can be
manufactured economically. For these reasons,
minimills have been able to avoid the economic
(65) decline affecting integrated steel producers.

26.

Each of the following describes an industry facing a problem also experienced by United States integrated steel producers EXCEPT

Although the United States steel industry faces
widely publicized economic problems that have
eroded its steel production capacity, not all branches
of the industry have been equally affected. The steel
(5) industry is not monolithic: it includes integrated
producers, minimills, and specialty-steel mills. The
integrated producers start with iron ore and coal
and produce a wide assortment of shaped steels.
The minimills reprocess scrap steel into a limited
(10) range of low-quality products, such as reinforcing
rods for concrete. The specialty-steel mills are
similar to minimills in that they tend to be smaller
than the integrated producers and are based on
scrap, but they manufacture much more expensive
(15) products than minimills do and commonly have an
active in-house research-and-development effort.

Both minimills and specialty-steel mills have
succeeded in avoiding the worst of the economic
difficulties that are afflicting integrated steel
(20) producers, and some of the mills are quite
profitable. Both take advantage of new technology
for refining and casting steel, such as continuous
casting, as soon as it becomes available. The
minimills concentrate on producing a narrow range
(25) of products for sale in their immediate geographic
area, whereas specialty-steel mills preserve
flexibility in their operations in order to fulfill a
customer’s particular specifications.

Among the factors that constrain the
(30) competitiveness of integrated producers are
excessive labor, energy, and capital costs, as well as
manufacturing inflexibility. Their equipment is old
and less automated, and does not incorporate many
of the latest refinements in steelmaking technology.
(35) (For example, only about half of the United States
integrated producers have continuous casters,
which combine pouring and rolling into one
operation and thus save the cost of separate rolling
equipment.) One might conclude that the older,
(40) labor-intensive machinery still operating in United
States integrated plants is at fault for the poor
performance of the United States industry, but this
cannot explain why Japanese integrated producers,
who produce a higher-quality product using less
(45) energy and labor, are also experiencing economic
trouble. The fact is that the common technological
denominator of integrated producers is an inherently
inefficient process that is still rooted in the
nineteenth century.

(50) Integrated producers have been unable to
compete successfully with minimills because the
minimills, like specialty-steel mills, have dispensed
almost entirely with the archaic energy- and
capital-intensive front end of integrated steelmaking:
(55) the iron-smelting process, including the mining and
preparation of the raw materials and the
blast-furnace operation. In addition, minimills have
found a profitable way to market steel products:
as indicated above, they sell their finished products
(60) locally, thereby reducing transportation costs, and
concentrate on a limited range of shapes and sizes
within a narrow group of products that can be
manufactured economically. For these reasons,
minimills have been able to avoid the economic
(65) decline affecting integrated steel producers.

27.

Which one of the following, if true, would best serve as supporting evidence for the author’s explanation of the economic condition of integrated steel producers?

Although the United States steel industry faces
widely publicized economic problems that have
eroded its steel production capacity, not all branches
of the industry have been equally affected. The steel
(5) industry is not monolithic: it includes integrated
producers, minimills, and specialty-steel mills. The
integrated producers start with iron ore and coal
and produce a wide assortment of shaped steels.
The minimills reprocess scrap steel into a limited
(10) range of low-quality products, such as reinforcing
rods for concrete. The specialty-steel mills are
similar to minimills in that they tend to be smaller
than the integrated producers and are based on
scrap, but they manufacture much more expensive
(15) products than minimills do and commonly have an
active in-house research-and-development effort.

Both minimills and specialty-steel mills have
succeeded in avoiding the worst of the economic
difficulties that are afflicting integrated steel
(20) producers, and some of the mills are quite
profitable. Both take advantage of new technology
for refining and casting steel, such as continuous
casting, as soon as it becomes available. The
minimills concentrate on producing a narrow range
(25) of products for sale in their immediate geographic
area, whereas specialty-steel mills preserve
flexibility in their operations in order to fulfill a
customer’s particular specifications.

Among the factors that constrain the
(30) competitiveness of integrated producers are
excessive labor, energy, and capital costs, as well as
manufacturing inflexibility. Their equipment is old
and less automated, and does not incorporate many
of the latest refinements in steelmaking technology.
(35) (For example, only about half of the United States
integrated producers have continuous casters,
which combine pouring and rolling into one
operation and thus save the cost of separate rolling
equipment.) One might conclude that the older,
(40) labor-intensive machinery still operating in United
States integrated plants is at fault for the poor
performance of the United States industry, but this
cannot explain why Japanese integrated producers,
who produce a higher-quality product using less
(45) energy and labor, are also experiencing economic
trouble. The fact is that the common technological
denominator of integrated producers is an inherently
inefficient process that is still rooted in the
nineteenth century.

(50) Integrated producers have been unable to
compete successfully with minimills because the
minimills, like specialty-steel mills, have dispensed
almost entirely with the archaic energy- and
capital-intensive front end of integrated steelmaking:
(55) the iron-smelting process, including the mining and
preparation of the raw materials and the
blast-furnace operation. In addition, minimills have
found a profitable way to market steel products:
as indicated above, they sell their finished products
(60) locally, thereby reducing transportation costs, and
concentrate on a limited range of shapes and sizes
within a narrow group of products that can be
manufactured economically. For these reasons,
minimills have been able to avoid the economic
(65) decline affecting integrated steel producers.